Faced with the political crisis and an uncertain scenario yet to be revealed in the coming hours, it is imperative to outline a roadmap that transcends the temporary and puts an end to the naturalization of corruption and impunity as an exercise of our political class.
A Road Map to Face the National Political Crisis
By Servindi
1. The political crisis that Peru is going through is not just a political or government crisis. It is a structural crisis of the political system and the economic model that sustains it, and one of its bases is the Fujimorist Political Constitution of 1993. This political system, which threatens to persist government after government, is not democratic and the neoliberal model does not favor majorities, but political-business mafias that have sabotaged the country's resources for their own benefit and to the detriment of Peru.
2. The Lava Jato case and the corruption of Odebrecht have revealed the undeniable dimensions of this structural, historical and general crisis that has a strong moral component; and has stripped the moral anomie of the political cliques that have ruled the country in recent decades, except for the short period of Valentin Paniagua’s transition government.
3. Therefore, the only possibility of an authentic renewal in the Peruvian political process requires an inflexible and energetic fight against corruption, in any of its forms, regardless of who falls under. A political and moral reform requires a profound renewal of the politics meaning as an action for the common good, the public interest and the rescue of essential values for democratic and solidary coexistence.
4. El degree of this crisis derived from corruption is enormous and the situation merits a process of political transition from the first vice president, who should call to new elections, on new general electoral conditions, in the perspective of a Constituent Assembly, and lay the foundations of an inclusive, pluricultural, democratic, popular and decentralist State, at the service of the peoples and nationalities of the country, and that allows it to deploy all its full potential.
5. The current government and its president Pedro Pablo Kuczynski have shown serious signs of political and moral incapacity and, therefore, its continuity to run the country is questioned. If the vacancy occurs, it must be met in compliance with the necessary requirements and guarantees in order to avoid it being qualified as an arbitrary event. The first vice president has the challenge of convening new elections and a Constituent Assembly.
6. The path of this decision will not be easy, especially when dealing with the resistance that the corrupt and corroded political class will oppose. In the vacancy or resignation they only see a way to satisfy their hunger for power to perpetuate the status quo. However, this process can begin with few arduous and firm steps, such as guaranteeing the autonomy of the powers of the State, especially the Public Ministry, to investigate and denounce without pressure all those involved in this corruption scenario, as recommended the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.
7. This will allow to generate and start, finally, a new political process, which should aim towards structuring a Constituent Assembly that lays the foundations of new and clear rules of a truly democratic game, in order to face the challenges as country, and even more, to face the Bicentennial.
8. Thus, supporting the presidential resignation or vacancy before the moral and political incapacity of the current President of the Republic does not mean at all support for the authoritarian offensive of the Fujimori-Aprista alliance, which today represents the most hindering force, the biggest sign of backwardness and the greatest threat to democratic coexistence. The new political conditions for the country's recovery must ensure that corrupt political mafias do not hinder the process of change and are duly sanctioned for their crimes and treason.
Lima, December 20, 2017.
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